Source: Ma'ariv, September 13, 2004

Last night at Zion Square, the speakers and demonstrators explained to Prime Minister Ariel Sharon that to avoid civil war, he must stop the disengagement plan. But the disengagement plan is a very important step, which could lead to the birth of a State of Israel that is truly democratic, and a home for the Jewish people. Thus, I wish to propose to the Prime Minister a number of steps that in my humble opinion will make the implementation of the disengagement possible without a civil war.

I believe that the overwhelming majority of settlers will leave their homes of their own initiative, and return to the territory of the State of Israel, with great sadness, but without violence. In order for this to be, the Prime Minister must make clear to the settlers and all the citizens of Israel a number of things.

First, he must explain his vision, i.e.: not only what we are leaving, but also where we are heading. Sharon has already hinted at the demographic need for separation from the Palestinians, but this is not enough. The disengagement plan is not seen as part of a long-term policy, and thus there is confusion about the goal it is leading to. If Sharon wants a democratic state that is a home for the Jewish people and a member of the family of nations, he must say so, and clearly explain that the establishment of a pragmatic Palestinian state is in Israel's interest. He must explain how the disengagement plan brings us closer to this goal.

Second, in addition to his vision of the Palestinian-Israeli dispute, the Prime Minister must also explain to the public his vision regarding Israel itself.

He must begin the necessary debate on the character of Israel as a democratic state and the state of the Jewish people. The debate must focus on the symbolic significance of the state of the Jewish people: what is the extent of the identification with the tradition of Israel, of the symbols of the state and the various lifestyles, in light of the freedom and the absolute equality of rights that all the minorities that live in the state must enjoy.

Third, the Prime Minister must prove to the settlers that most of the nation is adamant in its preference for a Jewish and democratic state over the present situation. This must be done with democratic tools maintained for critical decisions: an absolute majority in the Knesset or elections.

Fourth, in the framework of the public debate, Sharon must define anew the lexicon of nationalist terms, so that the settlers will be recognized for their contribution to the state and realization of Zionism, so that the world recognizes the borders of Israel. The Prime Minister must invite the settlers to join his realization of the new Zionist dream.

And finally, Sharon must declare that there were no extraneous considerations in his ideological change. Not being indicted for bribery does not mean that it is legitimate to lead the country in such stormy days without giving any explanations. Sharon has been stained by opting to avoid explanations to the public: this is the right of the accused in court, but not of an elected leader. The corruption in the governing institutions has been used more than once to replace the government. Such a public atmosphere could pull the rug out from under the Prime Minister's mandate to carry out disengagement.

I believe that Sharon sees the disengagement as a means to save Israel, and although I have reservations about the fact that its long term goal has not been defined, I believe that its implementation should be supported.

The plan could be an important step in preparation for a permanent agreement with the Palestinians, but if it is not conducted properly, especially regarding the Prime Minister's attitude to the opposition camp, it could lead to the end of Zionism.

Ami Ayalon is a retired General and the former Head of the Israeli military intelligence.